Tunisia and Algeria a new step towards autonomy
Should we see the end of political Islam in Tunisia with the arbitrary arrest of Rached Ghannouchi and the closure of his party Ennahdha campus? That is an insurmountable step.
The arrest of this leader of the opposition – even if Ghannouchi did not please everyone – is in any case a clear sign of a political lockdown that the “dictator” seeks to impose on Tunisia at any cost. However, in this small country, now enslaved by Algeria and formerly known as “Arab Switzerland”, despite a protest that dares to scream “arbitrary” haro, the carrot seems well cooked.
Therefore, for this opposition a rebel regime was condemned and elected, but on the other hand was completely subordinated to the military regime in Algeria. Tunisia, today practically in financial bankruptcy, all the Arab fountains and even the beginning of the world, became only a simple “wilayah” in the pay of the Algerians, recalled El Hauri Degerzi, like an “expert”. For an Arab TV channel on Algerian geopolitics.
Nevertheless, Rached Ghannouchi, another dark figure in the decline of the political and economic landscape of Tunisia, and Kaïs Saïed who prevented the implementation of his reforms and with the former president Béji Caid Essebssi before him, the red line that should not touch the elderly. Algiers, where he has been a defender since the 1990s.
Khannouchi, the first enemy of the Ben Ali regime, remained in Algeria. He has been welcomed four times by the former president of Algeria, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The man was long into “civil reconciliation” or, after the Black Decade, the policy of reconciliation.
But it is clear that his arrest was validated by Algiers, who abandoned him. With his arrest, Qais Syed fell into a trap that the Algiers regime had been preparing for months. Abdelmadjid Tebboune has added another layer to his woes as the Tunisian president is taxed as a dictator following the countries. Tunisia’s instability.
By abandoning Ghannouchi in favor of Tsai, the Algiers regime has unabashedly shown that he is not a reliable ally the Tunisian president should be wary of. If he has served Algeria as no Tunisian can, after this misstep he finds himself a prisoner of the Algerian generals’ goodwill.
Algeria has already shown him the way to go against petro-dollar aid, expressed by voting against Morocco in the UN Security Council and rolling out the red carpet for a role without international debt. A laborer named Brahim Ghali.
Sacrificed on the altar of new geostrategic arrangements in the Maghreb, Tunisia’s difficult economic situation demands reforms that, in the absence of donors, Syed is unwilling to undertake. A hero of resistance against dictatorship.
If he again submits to the demands of the Algerian regime, Kays Sayed finds himself at the center and center of future tensions in the Maghreb region, which will surely pressure Polisario’s recognition to save him, now that he has won. In attaching the label of dictator to him, they forget that Algeria excelled in this matter.
If he submits, he will not only stake his future at the helm of the country, but directly threaten the stability of the region. He will certainly lose a wise and respected ally who refrained from interfering in Tunisia’s internal affairs, and find himself at the mercy of a military regime that wants to create chaos in his country and create a weak Maghrib before its army. power
President Syed could always be consulted to get out of the game and improve the situation in Tunisia if he could get away from the dangerous influence of Algiers. But after what he did in Morocco, trust won’t be easy to regain.